There are enough health care workers in Pennsylvania to sway elections and public policy issues if they can work together, he says, noting that the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center is the largest employer in the state. These remarkable gains were slowed, however, during World War II, then quashed by the Taft-Hartley Act.9, For McAlevey, the 12 golden years of the CIO before Taft-Hartley retain a near mystical power, and she has tried to replicate whole worker organizing wherever she goes. All rights reserved. PASNAP-Crozer Chester Nurses Association (Prospect Medical Holdings, Inc. d/b/a/ Crozer Chester Medical Center) Case Number: 04-CG-260047 Date Filed: 05/07/2020 jQuery("#magazine_button_347960 a input").css("background",magazine_button_bg_color_347960); The Pennsylvania Association of Staff Nurses and Allied Professionals (PASNAP) hired McAlevey as a consultant in 2016 to help workers at the Einstein Medical Center win union … if( jQuery("#ad-halfpage-347960-0").is(":empty") ){call_ad_new('halfpage','tn_article','ad-halfpage-347960-0','rectangle_1',{"tn_author":"'e.-t'","tn_articleid":347960,"tn_ptype":"article","tn_keyword":"false","tn_subject":"'labor-orga', 'non-fictio'","tn_slp":""});} The Pennsylvania Association of Staff Nurses and Allied Professionals (PASNAP) Union has been negotiating with CMC since September, 2007 attempting to achieve a labor agreement. 's have 5.5% lower heart attack mortality than do non-union hospitals. They may also have no choice but to experiment, especially in sectors with large numbers of undocumented immigrants or in workplace structures stubbornly resistant to traditional unionization. In A Collective Bargain, McAlevey describes globalization as a convenient fiction, a way for American corporations to justify moving businesses from the unionized North to the right-to-work South or out of the country altogether. After a stint in philanthropy, she was recruited by the AFL-CIO and trained at SEIU 1199 Northeast, a large health care union known for its communist roots and commitment to rank-and-file power. McAlevey should have spoken with people who know this terrain or should have at least given the topic a vigorous Google search, as there are countless workers, organizers, and lawyers struggling for fair wages and safe conditions across Asia, even in authoritarian countries.

magazine_button_text_347960 = ''; It’s clear from Raising Expectations that McAlevey and her staff organized down to the bone—enough to know every worker’s network of friends, hobbies, clergy, and family members.10, If this is real organizing, then what isn’t? In No Shortcuts, McAlevey distinguished whole worker organizing from two other modes of union activism—advocacy (lawsuits, legislation) and mobilization (public relations campaigns, protesters wielding picket signs)—and applied this three-part framework to a range of case studies, including the Chicago Teachers Union and its historic strike in 2012, a pork-factory union in rural North Carolina, and the nonunion immigrant worker center Make the Road New York. In Las Vegas and Reno, she helped revive a moribund SEIU health care local and recruited thousands of new, strike-ready members from multiple hospitals. How can we connect shop floor organizing to global justice? if( magazine_button_url_347960 !='' ){ "We have very progressive members, we have very conservative members, and our union looks a lot like the statewide footprint of the Commonwealth [of Pennsylvania]," Yarnell says.
call_ad_new('halfpage250','tn_article','inline_ad_300x250_'+articlePostId+'','rectangle_4',targetingArray); Anyway, she notes that nurses have consistently ranked among the most trusted professionals in the United States, and it doesn't make sense to get too tied in with any individual politician (whose profession ranks among the least trusted). In Connecticut she led the AFL-CIO’s Stamford Organizing Project, a citywide multiunion campaign that aimed not only to unionize nursing-home workers and janitors but also to protect affordable housing. But that’s mostly beside the point. For more than a decade, the United Food and Commercial Workers had tried to unionize the Tar Heel, North Carolina, pork plant using every mechanism of the National Labor Relations Act. And she adds a structural analysis, arguing that education and health care are crucial strategic sectors, priority “growth industries” that are not easily offshored. As collective bargaining bills were signed into law, hundreds of thousands of home care workers gained rights, and the SEIU joined with private home care contractors to force higher Medicaid reimbursement rates from state agencies.

The Docket Activity list does not reflect all actions in this case. "We want to be in a position where we're not telling people who to vote for but really creating the clear analysis of where we are.". magazine_button_bg_color_347960 = '#ffcf0d'; In the 2014 case Harris v. Quinn, the court found that aides compensated by Medicaid were only “partial” public employees and therefore could not be required to pay into the cost of union representation. Click here to log in or subscribe. jQuery('#expand-reduce-347960').click(function(){ KONKOL COLUMN: Pastor Bob Neuman didn't let falling in an open sewer hole stop him from finishing a funeral service. But there is potential for health care workers to create common cause with each other and with workers in other service sectors, says Gabriel Winant, a labor historian at the University of Chicago. There are steep class divisions within the health care workforce. Call today: Besides being memorable, .com domains are unique: This is the one and only .com name of its kind. Community concerns became union concerns and gave teachers the public backing they needed to win in 2019.20 Buy this book, I began to sit in on meetings of the Workplace Organizing Collective, a group convened by the local chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America. It doesn't always pay to be overly partisan when pushing for specific changes. The tech workers also raised larger-scale grievances such as unethical outsourcing and violations of privacy.2, At one of these meetings, a man named Ira Pollock gave a presentation.

McAlevey is right that a whole worker approach is needed to create lasting strength, but in a given campaign, for a given set of workers, the precise alchemy and sequence of organizing, mobilization, and advocacy may vary.26, This might be said of the Fight for $15 in fast food, a more recent legislation-heavy SEIU effort that McAlevey has criticized for privileging one-day walkouts and minimum-wage bills over organizing. And as it has wreaked havoc on hospitals and nursing homes, Pennsylvania health care workers have been focusing on immediate needs like personal protective equipment (PPE), hazard pay and stronger workplace safety regulations. And even if Pennsylvania flips blue again, there's still a long road to recover from the damage the pandemic has done.

Yet the strategy they employed in home care had its merits: Using legislation to unionize aides (and later, publicly subsidized child care workers) wasn’t intrinsically wrong; the problem was the lack of deep, complementary organizing. You can contact Chuck at 724-226-4711, cbiedka@tribweb.com or via Twitter @ChuckBiedka.

Surely there are times when, no matter how well union organizers chart a community or identify organic leaders or treat workers as networked organisms, they lose anyway. On the other, A Collective Bargain travels down enough tangents that my expectations were, well, raised. In a chapter on hospital workers and corporate influence in Philadelphia titled “How Do Workers Get a Union?,” she vividly evokes an effort in which she played a direct role.
The teachers involved went on to win control of the UTLA in 2014, electing a “Union Power slate” that, in the words of Alex Caputo-Pearl, now the UTLA’s president, campaigned explicitly on the need for an “organizing union.”19, Through interviews with Caputo-Pearl and others, McAlevey charts how a newly emboldened UTLA led its members through a series of structure tests, escalating actions “done by hand, face-to-face, across nine hundred schools” over four years. McAlevey does not identify restaurants, nail salons, day labor corners, or private homes as strategic sites for organizing, but the workers in these spaces and the immigrant worker centers supporting them have developed their own ways to win self-determination and power.28, Immigrant workers also remind us of the importance of transnational ties and cross-border solidarity, which CIO-style organizing, born of a less economically complex, less globalized era, does not necessarily take into account. Maureen May, PASNAP president and full-time nurse at Temple University Hospital in Philadelphia. if( art_inline_ad_347960 && thenationads === true){

*/ Strictly speaking, union endorsements rarely make or break a campaign anyway. Inc., 339 NLRB 796 (2003). if( magazine_text_347960 !='' ){ For more information, visit our Privacy PolicyX, A teachers’ strike in Los Angeles, January 2019. They went to commiserate and to brainstorm solutions to unequal pay, abusive managers, and schedules that spun their homelives into chaos. } Current Issue The room seemed as awed by Pollock as he was by McAlevey.5, In recent years, McAlevey, now a senior policy fellow at the UC Berkeley Labor Center (and the strikes correspondent for The Nation), has drawn an enthusiastic following among activists, especially those in the DSA. Among those turned was a charismatic, widely respected nurse—and indeed, when she tilted “no,” most of her department followed suit.17, McAlevey and her team knew that without this nurse, the union would have little hope of negotiating a strong collective bargaining agreement. Donald Trump won Pennsylvania in 2016 by less than 45,000 votes. A Witness to the Rise of Big Data She agreed the two sides have differences on pay and the length of contract. 57, no.

/* And the union still supports that policy with Joe Biden as the presumptive nominee, says Maureen May, PASNAP's president and a full-time registered nurse. He befriended the people on his shift and encouraged them to come up with a list of shared demands: relief from the smoke when fires raged across western Washington and more staffing to cover spikes in cargo.

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